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Another guilty verdict for John Dougherty, and the need for systemic change | Editorial

The now twice-convicted former union boss continues to see public corruption as an example of politics as usual. If so, then the way Philadelphia does business needs serious reform.

John Dougherty’s attorney portrayed him as a tireless advocate for Local 98 of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers. Prosecutors argued he bilked his union members. Dougherty did both, writes the Editorial Board.
John Dougherty’s attorney portrayed him as a tireless advocate for Local 98 of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers. Prosecutors argued he bilked his union members. Dougherty did both, writes the Editorial Board.Read moreYong Kim / Staff Photographer

John Dougherty used fear, charm, and fast-talking bluster to become one of the most powerful figures in Philadelphia over the past quarter century. But his schtick is striking out with federal juries.

The former electricians union boss was convicted Thursday of embezzling more than $600,000 from his union members to enrich himself and his family. It was Dougherty’s second conviction in as many years, following the 2021 bribery verdict that also took down then-City Councilmember Bobby Henon. A looming trial on extortion charges could complete the hat trick.

It’s a stunning reversal of fortune for Dougherty, who transformed Local 98 of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers into a powerful political and business force. But it’s also not a surprise given the cloud that followed him over the years as he mixed union business and politics.

Philadelphia is a union town. And the building trades have long held sway at City Hall. The alliance has created good-paying union jobs but also helped to drive up building costs and chase away businesses.

Dougherty thrived in the tumult, playing both South Philly tough guy and sharp-dressed union boss schmoozing business and political leaders at pricey restaurants. Was Dougherty a cog in a corrupt system, or did he simply take it to new lows?

To be sure, Dougherty was a distinctive force. He used small-dollar contributions from union members’ paychecks to amass a political war chest that helped elect governors, mayors, City Council members, and judges — including his brother, Kevin, a Pennsylvania Supreme Court justice. Dougherty also unleashed the 5,000 union members as a field army to help turn out the vote on Election Day.

Along the way, Dougherty and his union members applied hardball tactics, including threats and pickets at nonunion sites to get their way. After his indictment, prosecutors caught Dougherty on tape threatening to sue, “beat up,” or “run over” potential witnesses against him.

Prosecutors didn’t play those tapes for jurors in the latest trial. But they did walk jurors through the long list of items Dougherty purchased using union funds, including separate birthday parties in Atlantic City for his wife and mistress, home renovations for his brother Kevin, a trip to the racetrack in Saratoga Springs, N.Y., for his dad, and concert tickets for his niece. The fraud extended to mundane purchases at Target, Ikea, and Lowe’s, and included a washing machine for Dougherty’s sister and even the family Christmas ham.

The evidence showed Dougherty essentially used union funds as his personal piggy bank as greed and arrogance set in. Dougherty did not call any witnesses in his defense, but his attorney argued Dougherty built the union “up from nothing” and any misspending amounted to honest accounting mistakes.

Dougherty’s attorney portrayed him as a tireless advocate for the union. Prosecutors argued he bilked his own members. Dougherty did both. But hard work did not entitle him to steal.

In the end, the union dues paved Doughtery’s rise and fall. But trouble seemed to follow Dougherty almost from the start. He took control of Local 98 in 1993 and two years later helped elect electricians union member Rick Mariano to City Council. In 2006, Mariano was sentenced to 6 ½ years in prison for taking less than $30,000 in bribes.

Dougherty helped elect John F. Street mayor in a close race where his union members used thuggish tactics to harass and disrupt his opponent’s campaign events. In 2003, a federal bug was found in Street’s City Hall office that became part of a corruption probe in which 20 people were convicted.

Dougherty was not part of that probe. But by 2008, Dougherty launched his own campaign for a state Senate seat while under federal investigation. He lost in the primary and was never charged, but an electrical contractor pleaded guilty to making illegal payments to Dougherty.

In 2011, Dougherty helped elect Henon, Local 98′s political director, to City Council. Ten years later, a federal jury convicted Henon and Dougherty of bribery. After that trial, Dougherty was unrepentant: “What Councilman Henon and I were found guilty of is how business and politics are typically and properly conducted.”

If so, then the system needs serious change. Dougherty is not the first corrupt leader in Philadelphia, and likely won’t be the last. Federal prosecutors in Philadelphia have convicted more than 1,000 people of public corruption charges over the last 40 years, an analysis found.

Over the last decade or so, Philadelphia ranks ninth in federal corruption convictions. One study found the malfeasance across the state amounts to a corruption tax costing about $1,300 per resident.

Philadelphia will be better off without a convicted bully like Dougherty. But will tomorrow’s union and political leaders learn from the past, or continue the city’s century-old reputation of being corrupt and contented?